O.R.--SERIES II--VOLUME VIII [S# 121]
UNION AND CONFEDERATE
CORRESPONDENCE, ORDERS, ETC., RELATING TO PRISONERS OF WAR AND STATE
FROM JANUARY 1, 1865, TO THE END.--#14
MARCH 3, 1865.
Report of the joint select
committee appointed to investigate the condition and treatment of
prisoners of war.
[By Mr. Watson in Senate and Mr. Perkins
in House.]
The duties assigned to the committee under the several
resolutions of Congress designating them are--
to investigate and report upon the condition and
treatment of the prisoners of war respectively held by the Confederate
and United States Governments; upon the causes of their detention and
the refusal to exchange, and also upon the violations by the enemy of
the rules of civilized warfare in the conduct of the war.
These subjects are broad in extent and importance, and in order
fully to investigate and present them the committee propose to continue
their labors in obtaining evidence and deducing from it a truthful
report of facts illustrative of the spirit in which the war has been
conducted.
NORTHERN PUBLICATIONS.
But we deem it proper at this time to make a preliminary
report, founded upon evidence recently taken, relating to the treatment
of prisoners of war by both belligerents. This report is rendered
specially important by reason of persistent efforts lately made by the
Government of the United States, and by associations and individuals
connected or co-operating with it, to asperse the honor of the
Confederate authorities and to charge them with deliberate and willful
cruelty to prisoners of war. Two publications have been issued at the
North within the past year, and have been circulated not only in the
United States but in some parts of the South, and in Europe. One of
these is the report of the joint select committee of the Northern
Congress on the conduct of the war, known as Report No. 67.(*)
The other purports to be a ":Narrative of the privations and sufferings
of United States officers and soldiers while prisoners of war," and is
issued as a report of a commission of inquiry appointed by "The U. S.
Sanitary Commission."(+)
This body is alleged to consist of Valentine Mott, M. D., Edward
Delafield, M. D., Gouverneur Morris Wilkins, esq., Ellerslie Wallace, M.
D., Hon. J. J. Clarke Hare, and Rev. Treadwell Walden. Although these
persons are not of sufficient public importance and weight to give
authority to their publication, yet your committee have deemed it proper
to notice it in connection with the Report No. 67 before mentioned,
because the Sanitary Commission has been understood to have acted to a
great extent under the control and by the authority of the United States
Government, and because their report claims to be founded on evidence
taken in solemn form.
«22 R R--SERIES II, VOL VIIl» <ar121_338>
THEIR SPIRIT AND INTENT.
A candid reader of these publications will not fail to
discover that, whether the statements they make be true or not, their
spirit is not adapted to promote a better feeling between the hostile
powers. They are not intended for the humane purpose of ameliorating the
condition of the unhappy prisoners held in captivity. They are designed
to inflame the evil passions of the North; to keep up the war spirit
among their own people; to represent the South as acting under the
dominion of a spirit of cruelty, inhumanity, and interested malice, and
thus to vilify her people in the eyes of all on whom these publications
can work. They are justly characterized by the Hon. James M. Mason as
belonging to that class of literature called the "sensational"--a style
of writing prevalent for many years at the North, and which, beginning
with the writers of newspaper narratives and cheap fiction, has
gradually extended itself until it is now the favored mode adopted by
medical professors, judges of courts, and reverend clergymen, and is
even chosen as the proper style for a report by a committee of their
Congress.
PHOTOGRAPHS.
Nothing can better illustrate the truth of this view than
the "Report No. 67" and its appendages. It is accompanied by eight
pictures or photographs, alleged to represent U. S. prisoners of war,
returned from Richmond, in a sad state of emaciation and suffering.
Concerning these cases, your committee will have other remarks, to be
presently submitted. They are only alluded to now to show that this
report does really belong to the "sensational" class of literature, and
that, "prima facie," it is open to the same criticism to which the
yellow-covered novels, the "narratives of noted highwaymen," and the
"awful beacons" of the Northern bookstalls should be subjected.
The intent and spirit of this report may be gathered from the following
extract:
The evidence proves, beyond all manner of doubt, a
determination on the part of the rebel authorities, deliberately and
persistently practiced for a long time past, to subject those of our
soldiers who have been so unfortunate as to fall in their hands to a
system of treatment which has resulted in reducing many of those who
have survived and been permitted to return to us to a condition, both
physically and mentally, which no language we can use can adequately
describe--Report, p. [1].
And they give also a letter from Edwin M. Stanton, the Northern
Secretary of War, from which the following is an extract:
The enormity of the crime committed by the rebels
toward our prisoners for the last several months is not known or
realized by our people, and cannot but fill with horror the civilized
world when the facts are fully revealed. There appears to have been a
deliberate system of savage and barbarous treatment and starvation, the
result of which will be that few (if any) of the prisoners that have
been in their hands during the past winter will ever again be in a
condition to render any service or even to enjoy life.--Report, p. 4.
And the Sanitary Commission, in their pamphlet, after picturing
many scenes of privation and suffering, and bringing many charges of
cruelty against the Confederate authorities, declare as follows:
The conclusion is unavoidable, therefore, that these
privations and sufferings have been designedly inflicted by the military
and other authorities of the rebel Government, and could not have been
due to causes which such authorities could not control.--P. 95.
TRUTH TO BE SOUGHT.
After examining these publications your committee approached
the subject with an earnest desire to ascertain the truth. If their
investigation <ar121_339> should result in ascertaining that these
charges (or any of them) were true, the committee desired, as far as
might be in their power and as far as they could influence the Congress,
to remove the evils complained of and to conform to the most humane
spirit of civilization; and if these charges were unfounded and false,
they deemed it a sacred duty, without delay, to present to the
Confederate Congress and people and to the public eye of the enlightened
world, a vindication of their country, and to relieve her authorities
from the injurious slanders brought against her by her enemies. With
these views we have taken a considerable amount of testimony bearing on
the subject. We have sought to obtain witnesses whose position or duties
made them familiar with the facts testified to, and whose characters
entitled them to full credit. We have not hesitated to examine Northern
prisoners of war upon points and experience specially within their
knowledge. We now present the testimony taken by us, and submit a report
of facts and inferences fairly deducible from the evidence, from the
admissions of our enemies, and from public records of undoubted
authority.
FACTS AS TO SICK AND WOUNDED
PRISONERS.
First in order, your committee will notice the charge,
contained both in "Report No. 67" and in the "sanitary" publication,
founded on the appearance and condition of the sick prisoners sent from
Richmond to Annapolis and Baltimore about the last of April, 1864. These
are the men, some of whom form the subjects of the photographs with
which the U.S. Congressional committee have adorned their report. The
disingenuous attempt is made in both these publications to produce the
impression that these sick and emaciated men were fair representatives
of the general state of the prisoners held by the South, and that all
their prisoners were being rapidly reduced to the same state, by
starvation and cruelty, and by neglect, ill-treatment, and denial of
proper food, stimulants, and medicines in the Confederate hospitals.
Your committee take pleasure in saying that not only is this charge
proved to be wholly false, but the evidence ascertains facts as to the
Confederate hospitals, in which Northern prisoners of war are treated,
highly creditable to the authorities which established them, and to the
surgeons and their aids who have so humanely conducted them. The facts
are simply these:
The Federal authorities, in violation of the cartel, having for a long
time refused exchange of prisoners, finally consented to a partial
exchange of the sick and wounded on both sides. Accordingly, a number of
such prisoners were sent from the hospitals in Richmond. General
directions had been given that none should be sent except those who
might be expected to endure the removal and passage with safety to their
lives; but in some cases the surgeons were induced to depart from this
rule by the entreaties of some officers and men in the last stages of
emaciation, suffering not only with excessive debility, but with
"nostalgia," or homesickness, whose cases were regarded as desperate,
and who could not live if they remained, and might possibly improve if
carried home. Thus it happened that some very sick and emaciated men
were carried to Annapolis, but their illness was not the result of
ill-treatment or neglect. Such cases might be found in any large
hospital, North or South. They might even be found in private families,
where the sufferer would be surrounded by every comfort that love could
bestow. Yet these are the cases which, with hideous violation of
decency, the Northern committee have paraded in pictures and
photographs. They have taken their own sick and enfeebled soldiers;
<ar121_340> have stripped them naked; have exposed them before a
daguerreian apparatus; have pictured every shrunken limb and muscle-and
all for the purpose, not of relieving their sufferings, but of bringing
a false and slanderous charge against the South.
CONFEDERATE SICK AND WOUNDED--THEIR
CONDITION WHEN RETURNED.
The evidence is overwhelming that the illness of these
prisoners was not the result of ill-treatment or neglect. The testimony
of Surgeons Semple and Spence, of Assistant Surgeons Tinsley, Marriott,
and Miller, and of the Federal prisoners, E. P. Dalrymple, George Henry
Brown, and Freeman B. Teague, ascertains this to the satisfaction of
every candid mind. But in refuting this charge your committee are
compelled by the evidence to bring a counter-charge against the Northern
authorities, which they fear will not be so easily refuted. In exchange,
a number of Confederate sick and wounded prisoners have been at various
times delivered at Richmond and at Savannah. The mortality among these
on the passage and their condition when delivered were so deplorable as
to justify the charge that they had been treated with inhuman neglect by
the Northern authorities.
Assistant Surgeon Tinsley testifies:
I have seen many of our prisoners returned from the
North who were nothing but skin and hones. They were as emaciated as a
man could be to retain life, and the photographs (appended to Report No.
67) would not be exaggerated representations of our returned prisoners
to whom I thus allude. I saw 250 of our sick brought in on litters from
the steamer at Rocketts. Thirteen dead bodies were brought off the
steamer the same night. At least thirty died in one night after they
were received.
Surgeon Spence testifies:
I was at Savannah and saw rather over 3,000 prisoners
received. The list showed that a large number had died on the passage
from Baltimore to Savannah. The number sent from the Federal prisons was
3,500, and out of that number they delivered only 3,028, to the best of
my recollection. Captain Hatch can give you the exact number. Thus about
472 died on the passage. I was told that 67 dead bodies had been taken
from one train of cars between Elmira and Baltimore. After being
received at Savannah they had the best attention possible, yet many died
in a few days. In carrying out the exchange of disabled, sick, and
wounded men, we delivered at Savannah and Charleston about 11,000
Federal prisoners, and their physical condition compared most favorably
with those we received in exchange, although of course the worst cases
among the Confederates had been removed by death during the passage.
Richard H. Dibrell, a merchant of Richmond and a member of the
"Ambulance Committee," whose labors in mitigating the sufferings of the
wounded have been acknowledged both by Confederate and Northern men,
thus testifies concerning our sick and wounded soldiers at Savannah
returned from Northern prisons and hospitals:
I have never seen a set of men in worse condition.
They were so enfeebled and emaciated that we lifted them like little
children. Many of them were like living skeletons. Indeed, there was one
poor boy, about seventeen years old, who presented the most distressing
and deplorable appearance I ever saw. He was nothing but skin and bone,
and besides this he was literally eaten up with vermin. He died in the
hospital in a few days after being removed thither, notwithstanding the
kind-est treatment and the use of the most judicious nourishment. Our
men were in so reduced a condition that on more than one trip up on the
short passage of ten miles from the transports to the city as many as
five died. The clothing of the privates was in a wretched state of
tatters and filth. The mortality on the passage from Maryland was very
great as well as that on the passage from the prisons to the port from
which they started. I cannot state the exact number, but I think I heard
that 3,500 were started, and we only received about 3,027. I have looked
at the photographs appended to Report No. 67 of the committee of the
Federal Congress, and do not hesitate to declare that several of our men
were worse cases of emaciation and sickness than any represented in
these photographs. <ar121_341>
The testimony of Mr. Dibrell is confirmed by that of Andrew
Johnston, also a merchant of Richmond, and a member of the "Ambulance
Committee."
Thus it appears that the sick and wounded Federal prisoners at
Annapolis, whose condition has been made a subject of outcry and of
widespread complaint by the Northern Congress, were not in a worse state
than were the Confederate prisoners returned from Northern hospitals and
prisons, of which the humanity and superior management are made subjects
of special boasting by the U.S. Sanitary Commission.
CONFEDERATE HOSPITALS FOR PRISONERS.
In connection with this subject your committee take pleasure
in reporting the facts ascertained by their investigations concerning
the Confederate hospitals for sick and wounded Federal prisoners. They
have made personal examination, and have taken evidence specially in
relation to "Hospital No. 21" in Richmond, because this has been made
the subject of distinct charge in the publication last mentioned. It has
been shown not only by the evidence of the surgeons and their
assistants, but by that of Federal prisoners, that the treatment of the
Northern prisoners in these hospitals has been everything that humanity
could dictate; that their wards have been well ventilated and clean;
their food the best that could be procured for them, and, in fact, that
no distinction has been made between their treatment and that of our own
sick and wounded men. Moreover, it is proved that it has been the
constant practice to supply to the patients out of the hospital funds
such articles as milk, butter, eggs, tea, and other delicacies when they
were required by the condition of the patient. This is proved by the
testimony of E. P. Dalrymple, of New York; George Henry Brown, of
Pennsylvania, and Freeman B. Teague, of New Hampshire, whose depositions
accompany this report.
CONTRAST.
This humane and considerate usage was not adopted in the
U.S. hospital on Johnson's Island, where Confederate sick and wounded
officers were treated. Col. J. H. Holman thus testifies:
The Federal authorities did not furnish to the sick
prisoners the nutriment and other articles which were prescribed by
their own surgeons. All they would do was to permit the prisoners to buy
the nutriment or stimulants needed, and if they had no money they could
not get them. I know this, for I was in the hospital sick myself, and I
had to buy myself such articles as eggs, milk, flour, chickens, and
butter after their doctors had prescribed them. And I know this was
generally the case, for we had to get up a fund among ourselves for this
purpose to aid those who were not well supplied with money.
This statement is confirmed by the testimony of Actg. Asst.
Surg. John J. Miller, who was at Johnson's Island for more than eight
months. When it is remembered that such articles as eggs, milk, and
butter were very scarce and high-priced in Richmond and plentiful and
cheap at the North, the contrast thus presented may well put to shame
the Sanitary Commission and dissipate the self-complacency with which
they have boasted of the superior humanity in the Northern prisons and
hospitals.
CHARGE OF ROBBING PRISONERS.
Your committee now proceed to notice other charges in these
publications. It is said that their prisoners were habitually stripped
of blankets and other property on being captured. What pillage may
<ar121_342> have been committed on the battle-field after the excitement
of combat your committee cannot know. But they feel well assured that
such pillage was never encouraged by the Confederate generals, and bore
no comparison to the wholesale robbery and destitution to which the
Federal armies have abandoned themselves in possessing parts of our
territory. It is certain that after the prisoners were brought to the
Libby and other prisons in Richmond no such pillage was permitted. Only
articles which came properly under the head of munitions of war were
taken from them.
SHOOTING PRISONERS.
The next charge noticed is that the guards around the Libby
Prison were in the habit of recklessly and inhumanly shooting at the
prisoners upon the most frivolous pretexts, and that the Confederate
officers, so far from forbidding this rather encouraged it, and made it
a subject of sportive remark. This charge is wholly false and baseless.
The rules and regulations appended to the deposition of Maj. Thomas P.
Turner expressly provide, "Nor shall any prisoner be fired upon by a
sentinel or other person, except in case of revolt or attempted escape."
Five or six cases have occurred in which prisoners have been fired on
and killed or hurt; but every case has been made the subject of careful
investigation and report, as will appear by the evidence. As a proper
comment on this charge, your committee report that the practice of
firing on our prisoners by the guards in the Northern prisons appears to
have been indulged in to a most brutal and atrocious extent. See the
depositions of C. C. Herrington, William F. Gordon, jr., J. B. McCreary,
Dr. Thomas P. Holloway, and John P. Fennell. At Fort Delaware a cruel
regulation as to the use of the "sinks" was made the pretext for firing
on and murdering several of our men and officers, among them
Lieutenant-Colonel Jones, who was lame, and was shot down by the
sentinel while helpless and feeble and while seeking to explain his
condition. Yet this sentinel was not only not punished, but was promoted
for his act. At Camp Douglas as many as eighteen of our men are reported
to have been shot in a single month. These facts may well produce a
conviction in the candid observer that it is the North and not the South
that is open to the charge of deliberately and willfully destroying the
lives of the prisoners held by her.
MEANS FOR SECURING CLEANLINESS.
The next charge is that the Libby and Belle Isle prisoners
were habitually kept in a filthy condition, and that the officers and
men confined there were prevented from keeping themselves sufficiently
clean to avoid vermin and similar discomforts. The evidence clearly
contradicts this charge. It is proved by the depositions of Major
Turner, Lieutenant Bossieux, Reverend Doctor McCabe, and others, that
the prisons were kept constantly and systematically policed and
cleansed; that in the Libby there was an ample supply of water conducted
to each floor by the city pipes, and that the prisoners were not only
not restricted in its use, but urged to keep themselves clean. At Belle
Isle, for a brief season (about three weeks), in consequence of a sudden
increase in the number of prisoners, the police was interrupted, but it
was soon restored, and ample means for washing both themselves and their
clothes were at all times furnished to the prisoners. It is <ar121_343>
doubtless true that, notwithstanding these facilities, many of the
prisoners were lousy and filthy, but it was the result of their own
habits and not of neglect in the discipline or arrangements of the
prison. Many of the prisoners were captured and brought in while in this
condition. The Federal General Neal Dow well expressed their character
and habits. When he came to distribute clothing among them he was met by
profane abuse, and he said to the Confederate officer in charge, "You
have here the scrapings and rakings of Europe." That such men should be
filthy in their habits might be expected.
CHARGE OF WITHHOLDING AND PILLAGING
BOXES.
We next notice the charge that the boxes of provisions and
clothing sent to the prisoners from the North were not delivered to
them, and were habitually robbed and plundered by permission of the
Confederate authorities. The evidence satisfies your committee that this
charge is in all substantial points untrue. For a period of about one
month there was a stoppage in the delivery of boxes, caused by a report
that the Federal authorities were forbidding the delivery of similar
supplies to our prisoners; but the boxes were put in a warehouse and
were afterward delivered. For some time no search was made of boxes from
the Sanitary Committee intended for the prisoners' hospitals, but a
letter was intercepted advising that money should be sent in these
boxes, "as they were never searched," which money was to be used in
bribing the guards and thus releasing the prisoners. After this it was
deemed necessary to search every box, which necessarily produced some
delay. Your committee are satisfied that if these boxes or their
contents were robbed the prison officials are not responsible therefor.
Beyond doubt robberies were often committed by prisoners themselves, to
whom the contents were delivered for distribution to their owners.
Notwithstanding all this alleged pillage, the supplies seem to have been
sufficient to keep the quarters of the prisoners so well furnished that
they frequently presented, in the language of a witness, "the appearance
of a large grocery store."
THE FEDERAL COLONEL SANDERSON'S
TESTIMONY.
In connection with this point your committee refer to the
testimony of a Federal officer, Col. James M. Sanderson, whose letter is
annexed to the deposition of Major Turner. He testifies to the full
delivery of the clothing and supplies from the North, and to the
humanity and kindness of the Confederate officers, especially mentioning
Lieutenant Bossieux, commanding on Belle Isle. His letter was addressed
to the president of the U.S. Sanitary Commission, and was beyond doubt
received by them, having been forwarded by the regular flag of truce.
Yet the scrupulous and honest gentlemen composing that commission have
not found it convenient for their purposes to insert this letter in
their publication. Had they been really searching for the truth this
letter would have aided them in finding it.
MINE UNDER THE LIBBY PRISON.
Your committee proceed next to notice the allegation that
the Confederate authorities had prepared a mine under the Libby Prison,
and placed in it a quantity of gunpowder for the purpose of blowing up
the buildings, with their inmates, in case of an attempt to rescue them.
<ar121_344> After ascertaining all the facts bearing on this subject
your committee believe that what was done under the circumstances will
meet a verdict of approval from all whose prejudices do not blind them
to the truth. The state of things was unprecedented in history, and must
be judged of according to the motives at work and the result
accomplished. A large body of Northern raiders, under one Colonel
Dahlgren, was approaching Richmond. It was ascertained, by the reports
of prisoners captured from them and other evidence, that their design
was to enter the city, to set fire go the buildings, public and private,
for which purpose turpentine balls in great number had been prepared; to
murder the President of the Confederate States and other prominent men;
to release the prisoners of war, then numbering 5,000 or 6,000; to put
arms into their hands, and to turn over the city to indiscriminate
pillage, rape, and slaughter. At the same time a plot was discovered
among the prisoners to co-operate in this scheme, and a large number of
knives and slung-shots (made by putting stones into woolen stockings)
were detected in places of concealment about their quarters. To defeat a
plan so diabolical, assuredly the sternest means were justified. If it
would have been right to put to death any one prisoner attempting to
escape under such circumstances, it seems logically certain that it
would have been equally right to put to death any number making such
attempt. But in truth the means adopted were those of humanity and
prevention rather than of execution. The Confederate authorities felt
able to meet and repulse Dahlgren and his raiders if they could prevent
the escape of the prisoners.
The real object was to save their lives as well as those of our
citizens. The guard force at the prisons was small, and all the local
troops in and around Richmond were needed to meet the threatened attack.
Had the prisoners escaped, the women and children of the city, as well
as their homes, would have been at the mercy of 5,000 outlaws. Humanity
required that the most summary measures should be used to deter them
from any attempt at escape.
A mine was prepared under the Libby Prison; a sufficient quantity of
gunpowder was put into it, and pains were taken to inform the prisoners
that any attempt at escape made by them would be effectually defeated.
The plan succeeded perfectly. The prisoners were awed and kept quiet.
Dahlgren and his party were defeated and scattered. The danger passed
away, and in a few weeks the gunpowder was removed. Such are the facts.
Your committee do not hesitate to make them known, feeling assured that
the conscience of the enlightened world and the great law of self
preservation will justify all that was done by our country and her
officers.
CHARGE OF INTENTIONAL STARVATION AND
CRUELTY.
We now proceed to notice, under one head, the last and
gravest charge made in these publications. They assert that the Northern
prisoners in the hands of the Confederate authorities have been starved,
frozen, inhumanly punished, often confined in foul and loathsome
quarters, deprived of fresh air and exercise, and neglected and
maltreated in sickness--and that all this was done upon a deliberate,
willful, and long-conceived plan of the Confederate Government and
officers, for the purpose of destroying the lives of these prisoners, or
of rendering them forever incapable of military service. This charge
accuses the Southern Government of a crime so horrible and unnatural
that it could never have been made except by those ready to blacken with
slander <ar121_345> men whom they have long injured and hated. Your
committee feel bound to reply to it calmly but emphatically. They
pronounce it false in fact and design; false in the basis on which it
assumes to rest, and false in its estimate of the motives which have
controlled the Southern authorities.
HUMANE POLICY OF THE CONFEDERATE
GOVERNMENT.
At an early period in the present contest the Confederate
Government recognized their obligation to treat prisoners of war with
humanity and consideration. Before any laws were passed on the subject
the Executive Department provided such prisoners as fell into their
hands with proper quarters and barracks to shelter them, and with
rations the same in quantity and quality as those furnished to the
Confederate soldiers who guarded these prisoners. They also showed an
earnest wish to mitigate the sad condition of prisoners of war by a
system of fair and prompt exchange; and the Confederate Congress
co-operated in these humane views. By their act, approved on the 21st
day of May, 1861, they provided that--
all prisoners of war taken, whether on land or at sea,
during the pending hostilities with the United States shall be
transferred by the captors from time to time, and as often as convenient
to the Department of War; audit shall be the duty of the Secretary of
War, with the approval of the President, to issue such instructions to
the Quartermaster-General and his subordinates as shall provide for the
safe custody and sustenance of prisoners of war; and the rations
furnished prisoners of war shall be the same in quantity and quality as
those furnished to enlisted men in the Army of the Confederacy.
Such were the declared purpose and policy of the Confederate
Government toward prisoners of war; and amid all the privations and
losses to which their enemies have subjected them they have sought to
carry them into effect.
RATIONS AND GENERAL TREATMENT.
Our investigations for this preliminary report have been
confined chiefly to the rations and treatment of the prisoners of war at
the. Libby and other prisons in Richmond and on Belle Isle. This we have
done because the publications to which we have alluded refer chiefly to
them, and because the Report No. 67 of the Northern Congress plainly
intimates the belief that the treatment in and around Richmond was worse
than it was farther South. That report says:
It will be observed from the testimony that all the
witnesses who testify upon that point state that the treatment they
received while confined at Columbia, S.C., Dalton, Ga., and other
places, was far more humane than that they received at Richmond, where
the authorities of the so-called Confederacy were congregated.--Report,
p. 3.
The evidence proves that the rations furnished to prisoners of
war in Richmond and on Belle Isle have been never less than those
furnished to the Confederate soldiers who guarded them, and have at some
seasons been larger in quantity and better in quality than those
furnished to Confederate troops in the field. This has been because
until February, 1864, the Quartermaster's Department furnished the
prisoners, and often had provisions or funds when the Commissary
Department was not so well provided. Once, and only once, for a few
weeks the prisoners were without meat, but a larger quantity of bread
and vegetable food was in consequence supplied to them. How often the
gallant men composing the Confederate Army have been <ar121_346> without
meat, for even longer intervals, your committee do not deem it necessary
to say. Not less than sixteen ounces of bread and four ounces of bacon,
or six ounces of beef, together with beans and soup, have been furnished
per day to the prisoners. During most of the time the quantity of meat
furnished to them has been greater than these amounts; and even in times
of the greatest scarcity they have received as much as the Southern
soldiers who guarded them. The scarcity of meat and of breadstuffs in
the South in certain places has been the result of the savage policy of
our enemies in burning barns filled with wheat or corn, destroying
agricultural implements, and driving off or wantonly butchering hogs and
cattle. Yet amid all these privations we have given to their prisoners
the rations above mentioned. It is well known that this quantity of food
is sufficient to keep in health a man who does not labor hard. All the
learned disquisitions of Dr. Ellerslie Wallace on the subject of
starvation might have been spared, for they are all founded on a false
basis. It will be observed that few (if any) of the witnesses examined
by the Sanitary Commission speak with any accuracy of the quantity (in
weight) of the food actually furnished to them. Their statements are
merely conjectural and comparative, and cannot weigh against the
positive testimony of those who superintended the delivery of large
quantities of food cooked and distributed according to a fixed ratio,
for the number of men to be fed.
FALSEHOODS PUBLISHED AS TO PRISONERS
FREEZING ON BELLE ISLE.
The statements of the Sanitary Commission as to prisoners
freezing to death on Belle Isle are absurdly false. According to the
statement, it was common, during a cold spell in winter, to see several
prisoners frozen to death every morning in the places in which they had
slept. This picture, if correct, might well excite our horror; but,
unhappily for its sensational power, it is but a clumsy daub, founded on
the fancy of the painter. The facts are, that tents were furnished
sufficient to shelter all the prisoners; that the Confederate commandant
and soldiers on the island were lodged in similar tents; that a fire was
furnished in each of them; that the prisoners fared as well as their
guards, and that only one of them was ever frozen to death, and he was
frozen by the cruelty of his own fellow-prisoners, who thrust him out of
the tent in a freezing night because he was infested with vermin. The
proof as to the healthiness of the prisoners on Belle Isle and the small
amount of mortality is remarkable, and presents a fit comment on the
lugubrious pictures drawn by the Sanitary Commission, either from their
own fancies or from the fictions put forth by their false witnesses.
Lieutenant Bossieux proves that from the establishment of the prison
camp on Belle Isle in June, 1862, to the 10th of February, 1865, more
than 20,000 prisoners had been at various times there received, and yet
that the whole number of deaths during this time was only 164. And this
is confirmed by the Federal Colonel Sanderson, who states that the
average number of deaths per month on Belle Isle was "from two to five;
more frequently the lesser number." The sick were promptly removed from
the island to the hospitals in the city.
CHARACTER OF THE NORTHERN WITNESSES.
Doubtless the Sanitary Commission have been to some extent
led astray by their own witnesses, whose character has been portrayed by
<ar121_347> General Neal Dow, and also by the editor of the New York
times, who in his issue of January 6, 1865, describes the material for
recruiting the Federal armies as--
wretched vagabonds, of depraved morals, decrepit in
body, without courage, self-respect, or conscience. They are dirty,
disorderly, thievish, and incapable.
CRUELTY TO CONFEDERATE PRISONERS AT THE NORTH,
In reviewing the charges of cruelty, harshness, and
starvation to prisoners made by the North, your committee have taken
testimony as to the treatment of our own officers and soldiers in the
hands of the enemy. It gives us no pleasure to be compelled to speak of
suffering inflicted upon our gallant men, but the self-laudatory style
in which the Sanitary Commission have spoken of their prisons makes it
proper that the truth should be presented. Your committee gladly
acknowledge that in many cases our prisoners experienced kind and
considerate treatment; but we are equally assured that in nearly all the
prison stations of the North--at Point Lookout, Fort McHenry, Fort
Delaware, Johnson's Island, Elmira, Camp Chase, Camp Douglas, Alton,
Camp Morton, the Ohio penitentiary, and the prisons of Saint Louis,
Mo.--our men have suffered from insufficient food, and have been
subjected to ignominious, cruel, and barbarous practices, of which there
is no parallel in anything that has occurred in the South. The witnesses
who were at Point Lookout, Fort Delaware, Camp Morton, and Camp Douglas
testify that they have often seen our men picking up the scraps and
refuse thrown out from the kitchens with which to appease their hunger.
Doctor Herrington proves that at Fort Delaware unwholesome bread and
water produced diarrhea in numberless cases among our prisoners, and
that--
their sufferings were greatly aggravated by the
regulation of the camp, which forbade more than twenty men at a time at
night to go to the sinks. I have seen as many as 500 men in a row
waiting their time. The consequence was that they were obliged to use
the places where they were. This produced great want of cleanliness and
aggravated the disease.
Our men were compelled to labor in unloading Federal vessels and
in putting up buildings for Federal officers, and if they refused were
driven to the work with clubs.
The treatment of Brig. Gen. J. H. Morgan and his officers was brutal
and ignominious in the extreme. It will be found stated in the
depositions of Capt. M. D. Logan, Lieut. W. P. Crow, Lieut. Col. James
B. McCreary, and Capt. B. A. Tracy that they were put in the Ohio
penitentiary and compelled to submit to the treatment of felons. Their
beards were shaved and their hair was cut close to the head. They were
confined in convicts' cells and forbidden to speak to each other. For
attempts to escape and for other offenses of a very light character they
were subjected to the horrible punishment of the dungeon. In midwinter,
with the atmosphere many degrees below zero, without blanket or
overcoat, they were confined in a cell without fire or light, with a
fetid and poisonous air to breathe--and here they were kept until life
was nearly extinct. Their condition on coming out was so deplorable as
to draw tears from their comrades. The blood was oozing from their hands
and faces. The treatment in the Saint Louis prisons was equally
barbarous. Capt. William H. Sebring testifies:
Two of us, A. C. Grimes and myself, were carried out
into the open air in the prison yard on the 25th of December, 1863, and
handcuffed to a post. Here we were kept all night in sleet, snow, and
cold. We were relieved in the daytime, but again brought to the post and
handcuffed to it in the evening--and thus we were kept all <ar121_348>
night until the 2d of January, 1864. I was badly frost-bitten and my
health was much impaired. This cruel infliction was done by order of
Captain Byrne, commandant of prisons in Saint Louis. He was barbarous
and insulting to the last degree.
OUR PRISONERS PUT INTO CAMPS INFECTED WITH SMALLPOX.
But even a greater inhumanity than any we have mentioned was
perpetrated upon our prisoners at Camp Douglas and Camp Chase. It is
proved by the testimony of Thomas P. Holloway, John P. Fennell, H. H.
Barlow, H. C. Barton, C. D. Bracken, and J. S. Barlow that our prisoners
in large numbers were put into "condemned camps," where smallpox was
prevailing, and speedily contracted this loathsome disease, and that as
many as forty new cases often appeared daily among them. Even the
Federal officers who guarded them to the camp protested against this
unnatural atrocity; yet it was done. The men who contracted the disease
were removed to a hospital about a mile off, but the plague was already
introduced and continued to prevail. For a period of more than twelve
months the disease was constantly in the camp; yet our prisoners during
all this time were continually brought to it and subjected to certain
infection. Neither do we find evidences of amendment on the part of our
enemies, notwithstanding the boasts of the Sanitary Commission. At
Nashville prisoners recently captured from General Hood's army, even
when sick and wounded, have been cruelly deprived of all nourishment
suited to their condition; and other prisoners from the same army have
been carried into the infected Camps Douglas and Chase.
Many of the soldiers of General Hood's army were frost-bitten by being
kept day and night in an exposed condition before they were put into
Camp Douglas. Their sufferings are truthfully depicted in the evidence.
At Alton and Camp Morton the same inhuman practice of putting our
prisoners into camps infected by smallpox prevailed. It was equivalent
to murdering many of them by the torture of a contagious disease. The
insufficient rations at Camp Morton forced our men to appease their
hunger by pounding up and boiling bones, picking up scraps of meat and
cabbage from the hospital slop-tubs, and even eating rats and dogs. The
depositions of William Ayres and J. Chambers Brent prove these
privations.
BARBAROUS PUNISHMENTS.
The punishments often inflicted on our men for slight
offenses have been shameful and barbarous. They have been compelled to
ride a plank only four inches wide, called "Morgan's horse;" to sit down
with their naked bodies in the snow for ten or fifteen minutes, and have
been subjected to the ignominy of stripes from the belts of their
guards. The pretext has been used that many of their acts of cruelty
have been by way of retaliation. But no evidence has been found to prove
such acts on the part of the Confederate authorities. It is remarkable
that in the case of Colonel Streight and his officers they were
subjected only to the ordinary confinement of prisoners of war. No
special punishment was used except for specific offenses, and then the
greatest infliction was to confine Colonel Streight for a few weeks in a
basement room of the Libby Prison, with a window, a plank floor, a
stove; a fire, and plenty of fuel.
We do not deem it necessary to dwell further on these subjects. Enough
has been proved to show that great privations and sufferings have been
borne by the prisoners on both sides.
<ar121_349>
WHY HAVE NOT PRISONERS OF WAR BEEN EXCHANGED?
But the question forces itself upon us, Why have these
sufferings been so long continued? Why have not the prisoners of war
been exchanged, and thus some of the darkest pages of history spared to
the world? In the answer to this question must be found the test of
responsibility for all the sufferings, sickness, and heart-broken sorrow
that have visited more than eighty thousand prisoners within the past
two years. On this question your committee can only say that the
Confederate authorities have always desired a prompt and fair exchange
of prisoners. Even before the establishment of a cartel they urged such
exchange, but could never effect it by agreement until the large
preponderance of prisoners in our hands made it the interest of the
Federal authorities to consent to the cartel of July 22, 1862. The ninth
article of that agreement expressly provided that in case any
misunderstanding should arise it should not interrupt the release of
prisoners on parole, but should be made the subject of friendly
explanation. Soon after this cartel was established the policy of the
enemy in seducing negro slaves from their masters, arming them and
putting white officers over them to lead them against us, gave rise to a
few cases in which questions of crime under the internal laws of the
Southern States appeared. Whether men who encouraged insurrection and
murder could be held entitled to the privileges of prisoners of war
under the cartel was a grave question. But these cases were few in
number, and ought never to have interrupted the general exchange. We
were always ready and anxious to carry out the cartel in its true
meaning, and it is certain that the ninth article required that the
prisoners on both sides should be released, and that the few cases as to
which misunderstanding occurred should be left for final decision.
Doubtless if the preponderance of prisoners had continued with us
exchanges would have continued. But the fortunes of war threw the larger
number into the hands of our enemies. Then they refused further
exchanges, and for twenty-two months this policy has continued. Our
commissioner of exchange has made constant efforts to renew them. In
August, 1864, he consented to a proposition which had been repeatedly
made, to exchange officer for officer and man for man, leaving the
surplus in captivity. Though this was a departure from the cartel, our
anxiety for the exchange induced us to consent. Yet the Federal
authorities repudiated their previous offer, and refused even this
partial compliance with the cartel. Secretary Stanton, who has unjustly
charged the Confederate authorities with inhumanity, is open to the
charge of having done all in his power to prevent a fair exchange, and
thus to prolong the sufferings of which he speaks; and very recently, in
a letter over his signature, Benjamin F. Butler has declared that in
April, 1864, the Federal Lieutenant-General Grant forbade him "to
deliver to the rebels a single able-bodied man;" and moreover, General
Butler acknowledges that in answer to Colonel Ould's letter consenting
to the exchange, officer for officer and man for man, he wrote a reply,
not diplomatically but obtrusively and
demonstratively, not for the purpose of furthering exchange of
prisoners, but for the purpose of preventing and stopping the exchange,
and furnishing a ground on which we could fairly stand,
These facts abundantly show that the responsibility of refusing
to exchange prisoners of war rests with the Government of the United
States and the people who have sustained that Government; and every sigh
of captivity, every groan of suffering, every heart broken by hope
<ar121_350> deferred among these 80,000 prisoners, will accuse them in
the judgment of the just.
With regard to the prison stations at Andersonville, Salisbury, and
other places south of Richmond, your committee have not made extended
examination, for reasons which have already been stated. We are
satisfied that privation, suffering, and mortality, to an extent much to
be regretted, did prevail among the prisoners there, but they were not
the result of neglect, still less of design, on the part of the
Confederate Government. Haste in preparation; crowded quarters, prepared
only for a smaller number; want of transportation, and scarcity of food,
have all resulted from the pressure of the war and the barbarous manner
in which it has been conducted by our enemies. Upon these subjects your
committee propose to take further evidence and to report more fully
hereafter.
But even now enough is known to vindicate the South, and to furnish an
overwhelming answer to all complaints on the part of the United States
Government or people that their prisoners were stinted in food or
supplies. Their own savage warfare has wrought all the evil. They have
blockaded our ports; have excluded from us food, clothing, and
medicines; have even declared medicines contraband of war, and have
repeatedly destroyed the contents of drug stores and the supplies of
private physicians in the country; have ravaged our country, burned our
houses, and destroyed growing crops and farming implements. One of their
officers (General Sheridan) has boasted in his official report that in
the Shenandoah Valley alone he burned 2,000 barns tilled with wheat and
corn; that he burned all the mills in the whole tract of country,
destroyed all the factories of cloth, and killed or drove off every
animal, even to the poultry, that could contribute to human sustenance.
These desolations have been repeated again and again in different parts
of the South. Thousands of our families have been driven from their
homes as helpless and destitute refugees. Our enemies have destroyed the
railroads and other means of transportation by which food could be
supplied from abundant districts to those without it. While thus
desolating our country, in violation of the usages of civilized warfare,
they have refused to exchange prisoners; have forced us to keep 50,000
of their men in captivity, and yet have attempted to attribute to us the
sufferings and privations caused by their own acts. We cannot doubt that
in the view of civilization we shall stand acquitted, while they must be
condemned.
In concluding this preliminary report we will notice the strange
perversity of interpretation which has induced the Sanitary Commission
to affix as a motto to their pamphlet the words of the compassionate
Redeemer of mankind:
For I was an hungered, and ye gave me no meat: I was
thirsty, and ye gave me no drink: I was a stranger, and ye took me not
in: naked, and ye clothed me not: sick, and in prison, and ye visited me
not.
We have yet to learn on what principle the Federal mercenaries,
sent with arms in their hands to destroy the lives of our people, to
waste our land, burn our houses and barns, and drive us from our homes,
can be regarded by us as the followers of the meek and lowly Redeemer,
so as to claim the benefit of his words. Yet ever these mercenaries when
taken captive by us have been treated with proper humanity. The
cruelties inflicted on our prisoners at the North may well justify us in
applying to the Sanitary Commission the stern words of the Divine
Teacher:
Thou hypocrite, first east out the beam out of thine
own eye, and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy
brother's eye. <ar121_351>
We believe that there are many thousands of just, honorable, and
humane people in the United States upon whom this subject, thus
presented, will not be lost; that they will do all they can to mitigate
the horrors of war, to complete the exchange of prisoners, now happily
in progress, and to prevent the recurrence of such sufferings as have
been narrated; and we repeat the words of the Confederate Congress in
their manifesto of the 14th of June, 1864:
We commit our cause to the enlightened judgment of the world; to the
sober reflections of our adversaries themselves, and to the solemn and
righteous arbitrament of Heaven.(*)
Statement of Robert Ould, agent
of exchange, before the [Congressional] committee.
No interruption in the regular delivery of prisoners
occurred before Friday, the 24th of February. On that day I carried a
number of Federal prisoners to Boulware's Wharf, and had transportation
sufficient to bring back 2,000 of our prisoners. I met Colonel Mulford
at Boulware's, but received no Confederate prisoners, there being none
at Varina, otherwise called Aiken's Landing. He stated that none were
coming up the river, and I accordingly agreed to be at Boulware's Wharf
on the following day (Saturday, the 25th) with steam-boat transportation
for 2,000. I made the necessary arrangements. On proceeding to Rocketts,
however, on the morning of the 25th, I was there informed by all the
captains of the boats that it was impossible to go down in consequence
of the freshet. At my earnest solicitation the captain of the small
steamer Townes consented to take the medical officer of my bureau,
Surgeon Brock. I instructed him to represent the case to the Federal
agent and to the prisoners who, I felt sure, would be at Boulware's,
giving them the option of marching to Richmond or returning to Varina
and remaining there until the steam-boats could come down. I remained to
make arrangements in this sudden emergency for receiving and providing
for tavern. I telegraphed and sent messengers to General Custis Lee,
requesting the necessary guard and such facilities of transportation as
he could furnish. I also directed the Ambulance Committee to do
everything in their power. General Lee furnished the guards and
contributed everything he could. The Ambulance Committee were active and
faithful in their efforts.
On Sunday (the 26th) the river was still too high for the steam-boats,
but the captain of the Allison intimated that there was some chance of
his going down the next day. I therefore thought it more expedient to
wait until Monday morning. On Sunday night, however, Captain Gifford
reported to me that the river was rising again and that he could not go
down on Monday. I accordingly telegraphed that night to General Custis
Lee, informing him of the facts and requesting him to notify Colonel
Mulford that my medical officer would meet him at Boulware's 10.30 a.m.
Monday morning to make arrangements for the speedy delivery of our
prisoners. Doctor Brock had to wait until 3 p.m. for Colonel Mulford,
and arranged for the marching of the men on Tuesday. I instructed Doctor
Brock to inform Colonel Mulford that I would come down with the
steam-boats, if possible, but if not able to do so I would make every
arrangement I could for helping the prisoners to Richmond, if they
concluded to attempt the march. The prisoners did so elect, with a full
knowledge of the facts, and every possible facility of guards,
<ar121_352> transportation, food, and quarters was provided. I remained
here to make these provisions, though for most of them neither law,
regulation, nor former practice imposed the duty on me. Cooked rations
were sent out under the charge of the Ambulance Committee to a point
about half way between Richmond and Boulware's Wharf.
The medical officer and the ambulance chairman can inform the committee
of all the details of the proceeding, and further what arrangements were
made for taking care of those who lagged and of showing them the way to
the quarters which were provided.
It is simply impossible, owing to the relative positions of the
military lines to the condition of the roads, and the deficiency of
transportation, to convey in vehicles even the sick from Varina to
Richmond, a distance by way of Boulware's of some fourteen miles. Yet
when on the arrival of our prisoners Tuesday evening, I found that there
were some 600 or 800 sick and wounded at Varina. So anxious was I to
attempt something for their relief that I on the same night directed the
impressment of every available vehicle in Richmond and telegraphed to
the army lines for all the transportation which could be furnished. By
these means I had some hundred wagons, ambulances, and carts near
Boulware's on Wednesday morning, in response to my telegraph on Tuesday
night.
General Custis Lee sent a message to Colonel Mulford to meet me at
Boulware's Wharf at 11 o'clock to arrange for the sick and wounded. That
message was sent at 7 a.m. Wednesday, but although I remained with the
transportation until 4 p.m., neither Colonel Mulford nor our prisoners
appeared. It was perhaps fortunate that such was the fact. Many would
have died upon the route, and many more would have stuck in the mud and
bogs in broken vehicles.
On Thursday and Friday, at great risk to the steam-boats, I went down
the river and during those two days brought and marched up more than
3,000 prisoners, including sick and wounded, being all that were at
Varina. Rations were furnished to all, the well were put in a
comfortable warehouse in the lower part of the city, and the sick and
wounded were conveyed in ambulances to hospital But for the earnest and
hearty aid of the Ambulance Committee I could have done little or
nothing. Their assistance in the matter of taking care of our returned
prisoners is invaluable. Day and night they have been constant in their
labors. I am sorry that some who have received the benefit of their
noble exertions seem not to appreciate them.
The Federal steam-boats which bring our prisoners stop at Varina. This
point is some four miles from our lines, and the prisoners are either
marched or transported to Boulware's Wharf, which is nearly on the
dividing line of the opposing armies and about four miles distant from
Varina. I have no more power to go to Varina than Lincoln has to come to
Richmond, or President Davis has to go to Washington. Yet it seems I am
blamed because I was not at Varina when the prisoners arrived or during
their stay there. I am further censured for allowing the prisoners to
remain two days at Boulware's Landing, when they were not there an hour.
From the foregoing narration and other testimony I trust the following
facts will be apparent to the committee, to wit:
That all the prisoners at Varina on Saturday, the 25th, who were able
to march had the opportunity to come to Richmond, and did come; that
every preparation which the nature of the emergency allowed was made;
that all prisoners who reached Varina between Saturday afternoon and
Monday night who were able to march had the opportunity to come to
Richmond on Tuesday, the 28th, and did come; that <ar121_353> ample
arrangements were made for their accommodation and comfort; that an
effort would have been made on Sunday morning for the relief' of such
prisoners as might be at Varina but for the encouragement given by
Captain Gifford that we would be able to go down on Monday morning; that
on Sunday night such effort was begun by telegraph to General Lee and
followed up on Monday morning by sending Doctor Brock to confer with
Colonel Mulford; that an arrangement was made on Monday by which the
prisoners could come up on Tuesday, and further, that by no possibility
could the prisoners have been brought up earlier than Tuesday, because,
though my telegraph to General Lee was received by him Sunday night,
Doctor Brock could not procure an interview before Monday afternoon at 3
o'clock; that after the delivery on Tuesday, when the state of the river
was worse than ever, an earnest but ineffectual effort was made on
Wednesday morning to transport by land the sick and wounded; that any
such transportation in the present situation of military lines and roads
with the means in our power was during the whole time utterly
impracticable; that the sick and wounded could only be brought by water;
that from Saturday, the 25th of February, to Thursday, the 2d of March,
it was impossible to use the steam-boat or other river transportation
owing to the freshet, but that in spite of all these difficulties all
the arrivals at Varina, both well and sick, more than six thousand in
number, reached Richmond during the six days ending March 3.
It is perhaps proper that I should also state that during this whole
time I was deprived of the valuable aid of my assistant, Captain Hatch,
and of some members of the Ambulance Corps, all of whom were engaged in
the delivery of Federal prisoners near Wilmington.
I am happy to inform the committee that I have now made a permanent
arrangement by which all the prisoners are to be quartered in the lower
part of the town during the first night of their arrival.
In consequence of the conflict about the subject-matter of this paper,
I would prefer, if agreeable to the committee, to support this statement
by oath.
I beg leave further to state that I was not informed of the arrival of
any prisoners at Varina on Saturday, the 25th, until Monday night, and
then only by Doctor Brock, and that I did not receive the letter of Col.
Baxter Smith until several hours after his arrival in Richmond.
RO. OULD.
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